| On Monday, January 27th,
the current Iraq weapons inspectors will submit their first
report to the UN Security Council. The whole world is interested
to know what the inspectors will say.
Because of the global interest in this matter, all member
states of the UN will have the possibility to listen to the
report, together with the members of the Security Council.
This will improve the capacity of the international community
as a whole to participate in the discussion about the resolution
of the question of Iraq.
The matter at issue is more than a decade old. It concerns
decisions of the Security Council that required that Iraq
should be disarmed of all nuclear, chemical and biological
weapons of mass destruction.
Some countries have charged that Iraq has failed to respect
its obligations as determined by the UN Security Council.
Naturally, this has led to the demand that the Security Council
should take all necessary measures to ensure that Iraq complies
with the Security Council decisions.
For this reason, towards the end of last year, the Security
Council adopted a new resolution on Iraq. This provided for
a very vigorous and thoroughgoing weapons inspection process,
both to determine whether Iraq has the offending weapons,
and if it has, to ensure that these are destroyed.
At the same time, the argument has been advanced that this
result can only be achieved by force. Accordingly, some governments
have stated their readiness to go to war against Iraq, with
the additional aim of changing the government of that country.
Troops are being deployed in numbers and in a manner that
suggests that war against Iraq is inevitable.
It is the prospect of war that has generated the high level
of global interest in the question of Iraq. In this regard,
we must state our positions in the most direct terms.
Our movement is keenly interested that the objective of the
destruction of any weapons of mass destruction that Iraq might
have should be achieved. We are also firmly of the belief
that Iraq should respect and implement the decisions of the
Security Council, including the latest resolution of the Council.
At the same time, we are convinced that these results can,
and should, be achieved by peaceful means. To this end, we
have made every effort to interact with the Government of
Iraq to convey our point of view. We are very pleased that,
at all times during this interaction, the Government of Iraq
has assured us that it agrees with the positions we have taken.
Practically, Iraq agreed to comply with the Security Council
resolution. She submitted information to the Security Council,
as demanded by the resolution. She allowed the weapons inspectors
to return, and has not hindered their work. Where the inspectors
demanded a more pro-active engagement on the part of Iraq,
she has obliged.
We are not aware of any information that would suggest that
Iraq has been in serious material breach of the Security Council
resolution. Nothing credible has been said that any such breach
has occurred to justify resort to war.
At the same time as we were speaking to the Government of
Iraq, we also interacted with others in the world who occupy
decision-making positions from which they have the power to
decide whether the Iraq question is solved peacefully or through
resort to war.
We have sought to persuade these important global players
that the Iraq question should, and can, be resolved by peaceful
means. We have urged them to avoid everything that would drive
the world towards war over Iraq.
We have tried to state the point clearly, that the effort
to eradicate any weapons of mass destruction in Iraq should
not be used to justify the declaration of war. Rather, this
effort should target the elimination of these weapons, precisely
to eliminate the necessity to go to war. The inspectors must
be allowed to do their work.
Further, we have committed ourselves to do everything in
our power, limited as this power might be, to persuade Iraq
to give herself and the United Nations the necessary space
successfully to resolve the matter at issue, peacefully and
expeditiously.
From the 1950s, after the emergence of nuclear weapons, our
movement has been opposed to weapons of mass destruction.
This included chemical and biological weapons. This derived
from the humanist convictions born of an oppressed people
that had known the impact and results of the use of unbridled
force by people who thought they had a God-given right to
rule over others, with the sovereign right to determine the
future of the oppressed.
The conscience of our people and movement rebelled against
the idea that any human being should have the power and the
means to wipe out humanity through the use of weapons of mass
destruction. Our people and movement knew that both we, and
the rest of the peoples of Africa, faced the grave danger
that we could fall victim to such an outcome, if those who
oppressed us laid their hands on these weapons.
Even as we campaigned for universal disarmament, our oppressors
worked hard to acquire weapons of mass destruction. As we
approached our liberation, the apartheid regime admitted that
it had produced nuclear, chemical and biological weapons of
mass destruction.
Intent that these should not be controlled by a government
that represents all our people, it entered into international
agreements that eliminated these weapons in our country. We
supported this development, even as we knew that it was driven
by a determination to ensure that the democratic government
should have no access to such powerful weapons.
The reality is that, in any case, this government would have
ensured that our country was free of these weapons of mass
destruction. The matter went further, with the termination
of the programme for the development of the missiles that
would carry and deliver these weapons.
Once more, our movement agreed to this, participating in
direct discussions with the major countries in the world that
are preoccupied with the question of the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction. We acted in similar fashion,
to ensure the effective implementation of all agreements our
country had entered into with regard to the matter of the
destruction and non-proliferation of all weapons of mass destruction.
We are the first and only country in the world voluntarily
to implement a comprehensive programme of disarmament and
the destruction of weapons of mass destruction.
Because of these positions, which are central to our long-standing
approach to the important issue of war and peace, we have
opposed the acquisition of weapons of mass destruction by
Iraq. However, the matter does not, and cannot, end there.
The very countries that are threatening Iraq over weapons
of mass destruction, themselves own large quantities of these
weapons. They say nothing whatsoever against Israel's weapons
of mass destruction. Of course, from their point of view,
the matter has nothing to do with principle. It turns solely
on the question of power. We disagree.
Proceeding from a different position, our movement has, from
its inception, taken the stand that it is committed to the
resolution of all disputes by peaceful means. Accordingly,
we welcomed the formation of the United Nations.
This was regardless of the fact that we were represented
at this historic process and event by an oppressive white
minority regime that refused that our own national problems
should be solved peacefully. We welcomed the birth of the
UN in part because it gave the promise of a world free of
war.
Once more informed by these long-established positions, we
have insisted that the Iraq question must be solved through
the United Nations. World peace, and not the provocation of
war, is the very reason for the existence of the UN. Similarly,
the UN exists because of a global commitment to regulate the
power of the powerful, in the interests of international peace
and justice.
We cannot accept that the powerful have a right to use their
power either to marginalise the UN or disempower it, to facilitate
the pursuit of their war aims. Nor can we agree that the powerful
have a right to use the authority of the UN and its prestige
as a peace agency, to legitimise a pre-determined decision
to wage war.
And yet this is precisely what some of those who have power
have sought to do. These have worked to emphasise and enhance
their unilateral power, necessarily used to advance the national
interests of the powers concerned, regardless of the cost
to the rest of the world.
This situation demands that we intensify the struggle for
the strengthening of the multilateral system of governance.
The UN is at the centre of this system, and is the only guarantee
that the voice of weak, such as ours, can be heard. It follows
that since we insist that the UN must mediate the power of
the powerful, in our interest, we must be the first to respect
the decisions of this international institution.
But then, the UN must honour its own commitment truly to
represent the peoples of the world, refusing to be transformed
into an instrument controlled by the powerful.
The reality stares us in the face that a war against Iraq
would create a situation that would threaten international
peace and security. Inevitably, it would create instability
both in the Middle East and elsewhere in the world. It would
postpone further, the long-delayed resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict, at great cost to both peoples.
The inevitable sharp increase in oil prices and other negative
economic consequences would condemn the African continent
to a deep economic crisis. It would put paid to all the high
hopes raised by the NEPAD initiative and the formation of
the African Union. Instead, the peoples of Africa would have
to confront the reality of even further impoverishment.
The destruction of any weapons of mass destruction Iraq may
have is in the interest of the masses of our people. So is
the peaceful achievement of this goal. Iraq's cooperation
in this regard is in the interest of the masses of our people.
So is the requirement that this matter is handled by the UN
and not decided through the unilateral exercise of power by
the powerful.
Because the masses of our people have a direct interest in
the peaceful resolution of the Iraq question, they have an
obligation to stand up and join the struggle for peace. That
struggle for peace in the Middle East is a struggle for peace
and development in our country and continent, for a new world
order of peace, development, justice and prosperity for all.
The struggle for the attainment of these goals demands that
our movement must go to our people to say to them that they
have an urgent obligation to stand up for peace. The situation
demands that once more, the masses of our people must act
together as a powerful force for peace in the world. The voice
of the people must be heard.

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